Kennedy Family Secrets

Fairly recently, Ted Kennedy supported Barrack Hussein Obama strongly.
We were not told why.

Later, much later, on January 10, 2010 it came out in a book just
what Bill Clinton really thinks of Obama!

Veteran political pondits John Heliemann and Mark Halperinthe wrote a recent book called,"Game Change" which set DC on its ear with so many tantilyzing, meaty, big and bouncy little tidbits of political gossip.
It is written that former president William Jefferson (Bill) Clinton and the late Teddy Kennedy were embroiled in a mystery as to why Teddy Kennedy had cast his lot with Obama rather than Hillary Rodham Clinton.
Politico's Ben Smith quoted from "Game Change":
[A]s Hillary bungled Caroline, Bill's handling of Ted was even worse. The day after Iowa, he phoned Kennedy and pressed for an endorsement, making the case for his wife. But Bill then went on, belittling Obama in a manner that deeply offended Kennedy. Recounting the conversation later to a friend, Teddy fumed that Clinton had said, A few years ago, this guy would have been getting us coffee.
Kennedy was reportedly so offended by Clinton's racially charged dismissal that he decided to endorse Obama.

There you have it. Clinton's true feelings about Obama. Spilled his guts to Ted Kennedy.

--JOHN F. KENNEDY said:
"Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty."

"We thank that whole generation for making America strong, for winning WWII, winning the Cold War, and for the great gift of service which brought America 50 years of peace and prosperity. My parents inspired me to serve, and when I was a high school junior, Kennedy called my generation to service. It was the beginning of a great journey - a time to march for civil rights, for voting rights, for the environment, for women, and for peace. We believed we could change the world. You know what? We did."

--John F*ing Kerry, Acceptance speech to the Democratic National Convention Jul 29, 2004
Nevermind that Democrats filibustered against civil rights led by Robert Byrd.
When discussing the poor, the blacks, the Jews, "JFK used to say, 'Poor bastards.' That was it. There were a lot of poor bastards in this world. There were people who either didn't get jobs they wanted or they didn't get programs they wanted. That phrase covered so many times when JFK turned someone down for a job, or turned down some legislation that was being promoted to him. You know, 'Poor bastard, they're going to feel terrible.'" Kennedy seemed to believe that "people who are different have different responses. The pain of poor people is different from 'our' pain."

Quoted in Seymour Hersh's "Dark Side of Camelot" by anonymous former lover of JFK.

On January 8, 2005, obituaries for JFK's 86 year old retarded sister Rosemary were printed in the major newspapers. Joseph Kennedy, the patriarch of this American dynasty, responded to Rosemary like character out of a 19th century Gothic Tale. Or perhaps Ross Oerot's "Crazy Aunt We keep in the basement." State-run Associated Press reported that "In 1941, Joseph Kennedy was worried that Rosemary's mild mental retardation would lead her into situations that could damage the family's reputation, and he arranged for her to have a lobotomy. She was 23." The AP obituary quotes Laurence Leamer's "The Kennedy Women: The Saga of an American Family": "Rosemary was a woman, and there was a dread fear of pregnancy, disease and disgrace."
Some feel that if the major concern was social propriety, then the one person who probably should have endured a lobotomy was Joseph Kennedy himself, rather than his unfortunate mildly retarded daughter. It also would never have occurred to the patriarch to control his son Jack's philandering with a lobotomy and he also suffered from a life-long chronic venereal disease called non-gonorrheal urethritis.
Balzac's epigraph to "Pere Goriot" states that "Behind every great fortune there is a crime," the Kennedy dynasty achieved its prominence from ongoing the criminal prosperous bootlegging activities of Joseph Kennedy.
In book entitled, "The Outfit," Gus Russo's definitive study of the Chicago crime syndicate, it is mentioned that Joseph Kennedy made his millions through a combination of white-collar crime and bootlegging. It is alleged that the same kinds of illegal insider trading that gave people like Michael Milken shady reputations, Kennedy sold received tips so that he could sell out holdings prior to the 1929 crash and survived the crash reaping even more riches. As a banker-investor, Kennedy looted the stock of successful Pathé Films in the 1920s, yielding insiders like himself stock worth $80 per share, although common stockholders received $1.50 per share. Kennedy leveraged a hostile takeover of the California-based Pantages Theater chain in 1929 when he paid a 17 year old girl $10,000 to involve the chain's owner in a phony rape charge. Kennedy wrested control of Pantages at a low price while the owner served part of a fifty-year prison sentence that was later thrown out.

According to Russo:

"Kennedy was up to his eyes in illegal alcohol. Leading underworld bootleggers from Frank Costello to Doc Stacher to Owney Madden to Joe Bonanno to Meyer Lansky to Lucky Luciano have all recalled for their biographers or for news journalists how they had bought booze that had been shipped into the country by Joseph Kennedy. On the receiving side of the booze business, everyone from Joe's Hyannis Port chums to the eastern Long Island townsfolk who survived the Depression by uncrating booze off the bootleggers' boats tells tales of Joe Kennedy's involvement in the illegal trade."

Mob connections cemented during this criminal activity period would become beneficial during JFK's 1960 Presidential race. Murray "Curley" Humphreys, the mentor of Al Capone, and his chief rival-killer Sam (Moony) Giancana had taken over control of the Chicago mob after Capone's death and made powerful alliances in the trade union bureaucracy nationwide that assisted in electing Kennedy in the 1960 primaries race.
Utilizing mob lawyer (mouth-piece) and ex-state attorney general Robert J. McDonnell as a go-between , the Kennedys had a meeting with Giancana in Chicago in 1960. Russo states that a deal was confirmed at this meeting. In bargaining for the syndicate's help, a Kennedy-led Justice Department would "cut them slack" and "look the other way". According to Murray "Curley" Humphreys' surviving widow, the crime lord was worried about trechery. She said,"Murray was against it. He remembered Joe Kennedy from the bootlegging days--called him an untrustworthy 'four flusher' and a 'potato eater.' It appears that Joe Kennedy had stolen a liquor transport. "He said that Joe Kennedy could be trusted as far as he, Murray, could throw a piano."

Nevertheless, the mob guys concentrated their "electioneering" in West Virginia which, at the time, was a key swing state. Mob-controlled jukeboxes all over West Virginia suddenly featured John F. (Jack) Kennedy's campaign song. Then a circuit-driving Kennedy aide paid tavern owners $20 per day to keep the song playing, time and time again. At the same time, a Giancana henchman paid $50,000 statewide to desperate-for-funding local politicians. All this cash outlay in bribery paid off when Senator Kennedy beat Senator Hubert Humphrey by a 60-40 margin.
In the general election, the same buying up was evident when trade union bureaucrats lined up at Curley Humphreys' office for their orders. By Russo's account, "Among the regular visitors were Murray Olf, the powerful Washington lobbyist, Teamster official John O'Brien, and East St. Louis boss of the Steamfitters Union, Buster Wortman."

Sam "Moony" Giancana's job was to incite Mafia figures to assassinate Fidel Castro after John Kennedy became President. The Kennedys appeared to have had as much esteem for Cuban nationalism as they did for that of the USA. Perhaps the mob missed its lucrative casino action and longed to be again in Cuba. That would give the mob back their lost "nationalized by Communism" property.
It is alleged that hired assassins had already been in with the CIA as early as during the Eisenhower administration. Robert Maheu, a top Howard Hughes aide had done freelance work for the CIA for a number of years thus was asked to assemble a hit squad to assassinate Fidel Castro. Maheu got in touch with Giancana and Santo Trafficante who was a leader in the New Orleans Mafia. Both had a money/influence/revenge interest in bringing down the Cuban Communist government, as they had owned valuable property in Havana through their partnerships with Meyer Lansky.
Even as Robert J. McDonnell had been a lieason in the past dealings with the Chicago mob, Kennedy's mistress Judith Exner would fill the same role in this case. It seems Judith Exner was having a dallyance with Sam Giancana simultaneously while she was having an affair with JFK, she was a perfect selection. Exner became Kennedy's money deliverer during the 1960 campaign, transporting as much as $250,000 in cold cash to Giancana when she ventured to Chicago. All this money was earmarked to be bribes for trade union bureaucrats that Giancana and Humphreys had prospected. Allegedly Judith Exner parted ways with JFK when he brought another woman along seeking a sexual threesome.
All the crime syndicate henchmen failed to eliminate Fidel Castro as did the the counter-revolutionary army assembled and supported by the Kennedy White House for the invasion at the Bay of Pigs. Failure of Kennedy to supply air cover or perhaps sufficient aircraft was said to be a crucial determinant. Kennedy has often been drawn as a peace promoter especially when compared to Richard Milhouse Nixon, The dirty little secret is that Kennedy carefully positioned himself as a hawk on Cuba while putting the blame of inaction on entrenched Republicans for the spread of Communism into the Western Hemisphere. As Nixon was compelled to keep the Bay of Pigs invasion a secret, he could not properly defend himself from Kennedy's hawkish blaming. JFK had heard about the planned invasion from Richard Bissell who was a CIA official who was loose-liped with his friend, Joe Kennedy, JFK's dear old dad. JFK was relentless in attacking Nixon, for he knew very well that the Republican would not blab about the secret invasion. Stunned by the war-like behavior of JFK, some liberals shyed away from him,all the while falling short of supporting Nixon. Liberal icon Murray Kempton wrote in the New York Post that "I really don't know what further demagoguery is possible from Kennedy on this subject, short of announcing that, if elected, he will send Bobby and Teddy and Eunice to Oriente Province to clean Castro out." Kennedy was adamont in his anti-Castro sentiments.
When the counter-revolutionary guerrilla invasion failed miserably with considerable loss of life, the Kennedy White House kept up the verbal guff with Cuba and even supplied secretive and clandestine support for fractured and splintered guerrilla anit-Castro groups. It is estimated that about $1 billion was spent by Cuba due to American intervention during the year after the Bay of Pigs invasion. The Cuban revolutionary leadership expected, and prepared accordingly for a follow-up invasion fully expecting the US marines to do what the anti-Castro forces could not.
Unfortunately Castro decided to defend from an enninent invasion with loaned Russia nuclear missiles brought in,set up, and maintained by Russian technicians and advisors. Upon finding out about the missles from aerial reconnasence over Cuba,Kennedy confronted Nikita Khrushchev to get the missles out of Cuba. Max Frankel, the former NY Times editor recently published a book called "High Noon in the Cold War: Kennedy, Khrushchev and the Cuban Missile Crisis" fully intended to promote the tough stance and boldness of the Kennedy White House.

Excerpt from "High Noon in the Cold War: Kennedy, Khrushchev and the Cuban Missile Crisis":
McNamara's blockade idea was gaining favor, but there was as yet no limit on the kind of action the Kennedy brothers were willing to examine. If the choice was to attack, the president still preferred a surgical strike at the missiles alone, but he told the chiefs to plan also for a full-scale invasion. Robert Kennedy even strained to find a pretext for invasion. He toyed with the thought of staging a fake attack on the American naval base at Guantanamo or staging another ship disaster in Havana--"sink the Maine again, or something." He remarked with satisfaction that an invasion would get rid of Castro as well as the missiles.
These were attitudes brought over from a separate high-level meeting that day in which Robert Kennedy had complained about the slow pace of sabotage and subversion against Cuba under Operation Mongoose. But his wild mood shifts were surely confusing to the conferees as they tried to discern the direction of the president's thinking. Only that morning, at the first ExCom meeting, Bobby had scribbled a note to Ted Sorensen saying, "I now know how Tojo felt when he was planning Pearl Harbor."
Finally, Kennedy and Khrushchev compromised on a plan, (much like Obama has pretended to not purchase nuclear materials from Mexico and Chile) In exchange for the removal of Russian missiles, the USA would solumnly vow not to invade Cuba and to would pull out its own missiles from Turkey. To "look tough and look good", the Kennedy White House made no mention of removing the US missles from Turkey. Instead of the truth, Kennedy was featured as a gutsy chessmaster who had called Russia and Cuba's "bluff" and made the Russians to back down and lose face.
After a study of this incident, Nation Magazine editor and dyed-in-the-wool-for-no-apparent-reason John Kerry supporter Eric Alterman made a decision to include Kennedy in his 2004 "When Presidents Lie: A History of Official Deception and Its Consequences." When the NY Times Book Review write-up of Alterman's book, one-time Presidential candidate Gary Hart attempted to "spin" Kennedy's reputation into repute:
"It is unclear how the disclosure of the implicit trade of Jupiter missiles in Turkey for intermediate-range Soviet strategic missiles in Cuba was crucial to undermining the public trust, particularly since the Jupiters were to be replaced soon anyway by sea-based Polaris submarine missiles. Let's assume the worst -- that Kennedy was trying to fend off a right-wing backlash for bargaining with the Soviets. That seems much more like political self-preservation, which in any case did not result in loss of American lives and in fact may have saved millions of them."
Alterman puts Hart's defense "into a wood-chipper" in a November 14, 2004 letter to the NY Times, when he quotes Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, who told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in reply to the question of whether such a deal had been struck that: ''Absolutely not . . . the Soviet government did raise the issue . . . [but the] president absolutely refused even to discuss it. He wouldn't even reply other than that he would not discuss the issue at all.'' The same sort of lie was heard from Dean Rusk. It is no accident that both men would become associated with the Vietnam War, as both architects and dissemblers.
Many liberals and slimy progressives actually believe that the Democratic Party is not "evil incarnate" and find it hard to comprehend why John Kennedy has decent streaks in his reputation. It is seen, for instance, that JFK wanted to remove the Federal Reserve stigma from US currency by restoring "Silver Certificate" for the onerous "Federal Reserve Note. Then JFK planned to eliminate the Federal Reserve altogether. Whether JFK planned another conglomerate to replace the Fed or his own people to take over the Fed or just to get rid of the thing altogether is not known. Analysis vary in their judgement of the Kennedy White House especially when ascertaining his role in the America's involvement in the Vietnam War. Although "PT 109" depicted JFK as a war hero, Oliver Stone's "JFK" may have left other impressions.
Oliver Stone's "JFK" film relied mostly on attorney James Garrison's version of the Kennedy assassination, and attempts to make the case that Kennedy as blocking heavy involvment in the Viet Nam War and gave the military-industrial complex no choice but to eliminate him. Lyndon Johnson is portrayed as very pro-defense industry and used by rightwing military officers. John Fitzgerald Kennedy was advanced as a thoughtful, sensible person who had the good judgement to plan a de-involvement and a de-escalation leading to an eventual complete withdrawal from the Indochina predicament. Alleged leftist journalist and scholar Michael Parenti is in agreement with this viewpoint as he supported John F*ing Kerry. Seen by the left as an exercise in obvious and mindless futility, the quest for enlightened bourgeois leadership appears to be a never-ending venture into nonsensical deviation.
Noam Chomsky calls his relentless armchair second-guessing review of the Kennedy administration "Rethinking Camelot," and renews the debunked arguments of Oliver Stone and Michael Parenti. Bonifide historian John Newman who authored "JFK and Vietnam: Deception, Intrigue, and the Struggle for Power," attempts to make his case that Kennedy planned to forsake Vietnam and let the Communists get it as they eventually did. Noam Chomsky,appears to make his case against Kennedy with impecable sources.

While in Fort Worth,Texas just hours before the assassination, Kennedy delineated his final statement as to Vietnam which was-- "Without the United States, South Vietnam would collapse overnight." Kennedy was to say, in his Dallas speech, that "Our successful defense of freedom" in Cuba, Laos, the Congo, and Berlin can be attributed "not to the words we used, but to the strength we stood ready to use". KENNEDY used Third World countries to point out his "defense of freedom." JFK promoted his large military escallation, saying it was undertaken to stiffle and contain and hold back the "ambitions of international Communism." As the "watchman on the walls of world freedom" the United States was obliged to take on jobs that were "painful, risky and costly, as is true in Southeast Asia today. But we dare not weary of the task."
Kennedy's consistent position discussed was that all must "focus on winning the war." He said we are obliged and must win the war as to lose would be too high a price to pay. He was duely earnest and frank in his resolve that we should win, not "cut and run".
Though some accept Chomsky's judgement of Kennedy over that of Parenti, one might feel a bit disappointed that Chomsky steadfastly would not judge John F*ing Kerry by an identical and thus, fair set of criteria. One might say this is due the type of no-holds-barred, guns-out pressure applied to the left by the ABB leftist greeny weiner campaign. prominent waffling and flip-flops on positions left horse-face John Kerry renigging on his promises, yet one clings to the belief that mis-guided, left-leaning intellectuals such as Chomsky can still be critical of war and imperialism as when warped in the past.
One can also question Kerry's misconception that 1960 "was the beginning of a great journey - a time to march for civil rights, for voting rights?"
There is mo denying there was a civil rights movement led by Republicans in this period, but the Kennedys cannot be numbered among those leading anything. A quote from the book "Nixon's Piano: a study of Presidents and racial politics from George Washington to Bill Clinton," has historian Kenneth O'Reilly's chapter on the Kennedy White House being informative without being demonstratively judgemental.
Obviously, John F. Kennedy assumed the presidency with a intent to hire a number of token blacks. This and continuing New Deal wild social spending would keep blacks on the "plantation" happily voting for Democrats. Kennedy's sole civil rights initiative was a voter-registration campaign was noted to be a copy of the modest efforts of the Eisenhower administration's final, lame duck six months in office. Kennedy hoped that the legality of this would placate and pacify the more activist and confrontational boycotts and sit-ins promoted actively by CORE, the Black panthers and other militant groups. It was also hoped that more black electoral votes would serve to bolster the liberal leftist wing of the Democrat Party.
Kennedy placed his brother Bobby as head of the Justice Department to be the main thrust of his civil rights agenda, instead of the Republican model that was set up by the Civil Rights Commission established in 1957 under Eisenhower as required by the Civil Rights Act. The Commission was seen as much more Leftist than Kennedy, and as a twentieth century reincarnation of Reconstruction and as such very undesirable. Kennedy even referred to Reconstruction as a "black nightmare…nourished by Federal bayonets" in his well-known book called "Profiles in Courage." Thus when Kennedy's "inherited" Civil Rights Commission decided to investigate racist trouble in Mississippi, Robert F. Kennedy compared it to the House Unamerican Activities Commission's "investigating Communism." That got really overblown when people turned in people they did not like "to get even". This especially did not sit well with liberal Jews in Hollywood.
The Kennedys ranged from indifferent to hostile of the Civil Rights Commission so much so that they appointed 5 segregationist judges to the Supreme Court. Among them was Harold Cox, who had referred to blacks as "niggers" and "chimpanzees." Robert F. (Bobby) Kennedy favored Cox to Thurgood Marshall whom he described publically as "basically second-rate." Kennedy frequently turned to Mississippi Senator James Eastland for advice on appointments. According to long-time Southern belle turned liberal activist Virginia Durr, Eastland would "invite people over for the weekend and tell them to 'pick out a nigger girl and a horse!' That was his way of showing hospitality."
The Southern Conference for Human Welfare or SCHW's civil rights committee became the National Committee to Abolish the Poll Tax in 1941, with Virginia Durr as its vice-chair. Like the SCHW, the NCAPT was continually attacked for its reputed Communist associations because it received money from various Communist-backed organizations, and Joseph Gelders, a Birmingham native and publically-admitted Communist, was active in SCHW and NCAPT.
Even in their selection of voter registration as the least confrontational tactic in the South, the Kennedys hated to put the power of the federal government behind it. When the KKK targeted civil rights workers trying to register black voters, Robert F. Kennedy bent over backwards to appear conciliatory toward the racists. He said, "We abandoned the solution, really, of trying to give people protection." This indifference was one of the main reasons the racists felt free to kill activists in the Deep South.
This appears to be blaming Robert F Kennedy in a similar way that those against reconstructionist Democrats sought to Reconstructionists stationing troops ineffectively after the War Between the States. How does one station troops effectively to protect people?

One assassination took the life of NAACP leader Medgar Evers, who was shot down in the driveway of his home. In keeping with his accomodationist policies, Robert F. Kennedy told the media that the federal government had no authority to protect Evers or anybody else. Such responsibilities rested with the state of Mississippi!

The mass movement against racial discrimination continued unabated, without the support of the Kennedy White House. In 1963 demonstrations in Birmingham, Alabama unleashed attacks by Police Commissioner Bull Connor who used nightsticks, police dogs and high-pressure fire hoses and mass arrests. JFK complained about the protests that they made the USA "look bad for us in the world." His brother opined that 90 percent of the protestors had no idea what they were demonstrating about.
Despite Robert F. Kennedy's specious comparison of the Civil Rights Commission to HUAC, he had no problem directing a witch-hunt against Martin Luther King Jr. When the FBI told the President that King's advisors included a couple of Communists (Sanford Levison and Jack O'Dell), he directed the attorney general to put wiretaps on the civil rights movements most important leader's telephone. He even met with King at the White House and told him, "They're communists. You've got to get rid of them." To his everlasting credit, King refused to kowtow to the red-baiters. Robert F. Kennedy would complain, "He sort of laughs about these things, makes fun of it."
Relying on J. Edgar Hoover's snitches says volumes about the character of the Kennedy White House. Feeling no constraints from its master, the FBI would eventually send letters to King's wife accusing him of infidelity. It would also fail to protect civil rights demonstrators, who were obviously seen as Communist subversives.
If the Kennedy White House was about managing image, perhaps nothing succeeded on their own terms better than the Peace Corps. Embodying the President's rhetoric about "Ask not what your country can do for you, but what you can do for your country," this nominally volunteer program would benefit the world's poor without asking for anything in return.
Beneath the rhetoric, the Peace Corps was a variation on a very old theme, namely the tendency for colonial powers to use civil administration as a means to co-opt hostile populations. Great Britain had perfected these techniques in India. Marshall Windmiller, a professor at San Francisco State who had participated in Peace Corps training programs in the early 1960s, spells out his disillusionment in "The Peace Corps and Pax Americana." Referring to Thomas Babington Macaulay (1800-1859), he characterizes the Peace Corps as an exercise in "Macaulayism." As a functionary in India, Macaulay argued that "To trade with civilized men is infinitely more profitable than to govern savages."
Of course, key to bringing civilization to the savages was a properly functioning civil service and an educational system that could inculcate the values of the colonizers. Seen in this light, the Peace Corps's main function, according to Windmiller, is "to develop pro-American, English-speaking elites, and to make America's role in world affairs, whatever it may be, more palatable."
Windmiller focuses on the example of Rhoda and Earl Brooks, a husband-and-wife team who served in Ecuador from 1962 to 1964. They did the usual things that Peace Corps volunteers did, from teaching English to clearing streets of garbage.
When the USA intruded into Ecuadorian fishing waters during their sting, Communists organized protests against the "pirates." Naturally, the Brooks felt compelled to present the American case. In their English conversation classes and at their homes, they tried to convince the Ecuadorian youth of the benefits of "democratic capitalism," for whom many the word "capitalist" was synonymous for murderer. Because the Brooks were seen as modest and idealistic, their ideas were more easily accepted than if they came straight from the American consulate. That, of course, was the whole idea.
Kennedy himself occasionally spoke more candidly about the goal of initiatives like the Peace Corps. In National Security Action Memorandum No.132 directed to the Agency for International Development, that was cc'd to the Peace Corps director as well as the CIA, the President declares his intentions:
"As you know, I desire the appropriate agencies of this Government to give utmost attention and emphasis to programs designed to counter Communist indirect aggression, which I regard as a grave threat during the 1960s. I have already written the Secretary of Defense 'to move to a new level of increased activity across the board" in the counter-insurgency field.
"Police assistance programs, including those under the aegis of your agency, are also a crucial element in our response to this challenge. I understand that there has been some tendency toward de-emphasizing them under the new aid criteria developed by your agency. I recognize that such programs may seem marginal in terms of focusing our energies on those key sectors which will contribute most to sustained economic growth. But I regard them as justified on a different though related basis, i.e., that of contributing to internal security and resisting Communist-supported insurgency."
Eventually, some returned Peace Corps volunteers saw through the imperialist aims of their higher-ups and joined the Vietnam antiwar movement. Indeed, their number and the numbers of civil rights activists disgusted and radicalized by White House inaction probably numbered in the tens of thousands at the peak. One might conclude by saying that the main benefit of the Kennedy White House is that it spurred idealistic young people to transcend the limitations of an administration that was guided more by image than by substance.
Sources:
1. http://www.who2.com/josephkennedysr.html
2. Eric Alterman response to Gary Hart's review: http://www.nytimes.com/2004/11/14/books/review/letters-final.html
3. Noam Chomsky, "Rethinking Camelot": http://www.zmag.org/chomsky/rc/rc-contents.html
4. http://www.greenleft.org.au/2004/605/31460
5.Gary Hart review of Eric Alterman's "When Presidents Lie":
6.http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9507E1D61538F933A25753C1A9629C8B63
7. Seymour Hersh, "Dark Side of Camelot", Little Brown, 1997
8. Kenneth O'Reilly, "Nixon's Piano", The Free Press, 1995
9. http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/jfkcivilrights.htm
Gus Russo, "The Outfit", Bloomsbury Press, 2001
10. Marshall Windmiller, "The Peace Corps and Pax Americana", Public Affairs Press, 1970
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